By Jill C. Nelson
OVER three hundred nice PHOTOS
Golden Goddesses vibrantly casts mild upon twenty-five major girls focused on the erotic movie in the course of its Golden period, among the years 1968-1985 whilst participation in grownup productions was once unlawful. Profiling performers, administrators, scriptwriters and costumers, Golden Goddesses is a palate of insights, intimacy, vulnerability and power, because it immerses readers into the lives of those celebrated and audacious ladies. Delicately crafted with movie highlights and greater than three hundred photographs, Golden Goddesses captures the quintessence of a rebellious spirit from days long gone by. <span>Featuring the author's personal interviews with Marilyn Chambers, Seka, Kay Parker, Rhonda Jo Petty, Serena, Georgina Spelvin, Juliet Anderson, Candida Royalle, Sharon Mitchell, Gloria Leonard, Annie Sprinkle, Ann Perry, Jody Maxwell, Barbara generators, Veronica Hart, Kelly Nichols, Ginger Lynn, Kitten Natividad, Amber Lynn, Laurie Holmes, Christy Canyon, Julia St. Vincent, Roberta Findlay, Nina Hartley, and Raven Touchstone.
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Additional resources for Golden Goddesses: 25 Legendary Women of Classic Erotic Cinema, 1968-1985
States were rejected simply because they were states—not because they were non-Kurdish (Bozarslan 2004: 30–31). They were characterized by their political aspirations, and gaining local power was their primary political goal and motivation (Vali 1998; Bozarslan 2004). Kurdish opposition led by tribal leaders dominated the Kurdish political scene until the middle of the twentieth century, giving it a huge influence on Kurdish identity, including gender, society and politics—especially in Iraq (Bozarslan 2004; van Bruinessen 2009).
Fourth, hegemonic models of masculinity are manipulated by states, notably by linking masculinity with other key markers of identity such as ethnicity and race . . Fifth, the fact that conflict reinforces a hegemonic model of masculinity both confirms and contests the notion that war results in a “crumbling social fabric” . . Finally, and linked to the previous point, the fact that conflict reinforces a hegemonic model of masculinity goes a long way to explaining why the gains in women’s emancipation, which some have attributed to the social space created by war situations, are largely illusory.
Nor can it be understood outside the circumstances around the formation of Kurdish identity in relation to the Iraqi state, which has FR A MING THE H ISTOR IC A L AND POL I T IC A L CON T E X T 29 been characterized by oppression and resistance. In such a context, the formation of Kurdish identity around resistance to ethnic oppression and the state’s oppression and brutality has dominated not only politics, but also everyday social life. Defending the homeland, the nation and the collectivity have long been national and moral duties for the Kurdish people, and especially for men.