By Minoo Alinia (auth.)
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Extra info for Honor and Violence against Women in Iraqi Kurdistan
States were rejected simply because they were states—not because they were non-Kurdish (Bozarslan 2004: 30–31). They were characterized by their political aspirations, and gaining local power was their primary political goal and motivation (Vali 1998; Bozarslan 2004). Kurdish opposition led by tribal leaders dominated the Kurdish political scene until the middle of the twentieth century, giving it a huge influence on Kurdish identity, including gender, society and politics—especially in Iraq (Bozarslan 2004; van Bruinessen 2009).
Fourth, hegemonic models of masculinity are manipulated by states, notably by linking masculinity with other key markers of identity such as ethnicity and race . . Fifth, the fact that conflict reinforces a hegemonic model of masculinity both confirms and contests the notion that war results in a “crumbling social fabric” . . Finally, and linked to the previous point, the fact that conflict reinforces a hegemonic model of masculinity goes a long way to explaining why the gains in women’s emancipation, which some have attributed to the social space created by war situations, are largely illusory.
Nor can it be understood outside the circumstances around the formation of Kurdish identity in relation to the Iraqi state, which has FR A MING THE H ISTOR IC A L AND POL I T IC A L CON T E X T 29 been characterized by oppression and resistance. In such a context, the formation of Kurdish identity around resistance to ethnic oppression and the state’s oppression and brutality has dominated not only politics, but also everyday social life. Defending the homeland, the nation and the collectivity have long been national and moral duties for the Kurdish people, and especially for men.