By Helen V. Milner, Dustin Tingley

Whilst enticing with different nations, the U.S. executive has a few various coverage tools at its disposal, together with international reduction, overseas exchange, and using army strength. yet what determines which guidelines are selected? Does the us count an excessive amount of at the use of army energy and coercion in its overseas rules? Sailing the Water's part focuses on how family U.S. politics--in specific the interactions among the president, Congress, curiosity teams, bureaucratic associations, and the public--have encouraged overseas coverage offerings in view that international struggle II and indicates why presidents have extra keep an eye on over a few coverage tools than others. Presidential strength concerns and it varies systematically throughout coverage instruments.

Helen Milner and Dustin Tingley contemplate how Congress and curiosity teams have massive fabric pursuits in and ideological divisions round definite concerns and that those components constrain presidents from employing particular instruments. for that reason, presidents pick out tools that they've extra keep watch over over, comparable to use of the army. This militarization of U.S. international coverage increases matters concerning the nature of yankee engagement, substitution between coverage instruments, and the way forward for U.S. overseas coverage. Milner and Tingley discover even if American overseas coverage will stay guided by means of a grand technique of liberal internationalism, what impacts American overseas coverage successes and screw ups, and the position of U.S. intelligence assortment in shaping international coverage. The authors aid their arguments with rigorous theorizing, quantitative research, and targeted case stories, similar to U.S. international coverage in Sub-Saharan Africa throughout presidential administrations.

Sailing the Water's Edge examines the significance of household political coalitions and associations at the formation of yank international coverage.

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576–­577. 13 Chapter 1 low politics are shaped the way they are. Presidents have more discretion over using military force not (solely) because of the nature of the external problem or threat, but because of domestic politics; high and low politics is just as much about the nature of domestic politics as it is about international relations. We propose two criteria for understanding the politics surrounding different policy instruments. , the extent of distributive politics, and (2) the extent of ideological divisions that are present.

108. 31 Wildavsky, 1966; Wildavsky, 1969; Peppers, 1975; LeLoup and Shull, 1979; Sigelman, 1979; Lee, 1980; Shull and LeLoup, 1981; Sigelman, 1981; Zeidenstein, 1981; Cohen, 1982; Carter, 1985; Carter, 1986; Edwards, 1986; Fleisher and Bond, 1988; Oldfield and Wildavsky, 1989; Renka and Jones, 1991a; Renka and Jones, 1991b; Shull, 1991; Sullivan, 1991; Canes-­ Wrone, Howell, and Lewis, 2008. 32 Others have asserted that the president dominates the policy process when it comes to the use of force and have noted the “imperial presidency” at least in military policy.

A second characteristic of importance is the extent of ideological divisions. The greater these divisions are, the more conflict among domestic groups, and the harder it is for the president to control policy. Actors with the opposing ideological preferences will be more highly motivated to resist the president’s preferred policies. In sum, for instruments fraught with distributive politics and ideological differences, presidents will be the weakest and least able to adopt the foreign policies they desire.

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