By Jennifer Lind

Governments more and more provide or call for apologies for previous human rights abuses, and it really is broadly believed that such expressions of contrition are essential to advertise reconciliation among former adversaries. The post-World conflict II stories of Japan and Germany recommend that overseas apologies have robust therapeutic results once they are provided, and toxic results whilst withheld. West Germany made broad efforts to make amends for wartime crimes-formal apologies, monuments to sufferers of the Nazis, and candid background textbooks; Bonn effectively reconciled with its wartime enemies. in contrast, Tokyo has made few and unsatisfying apologies and approves institution textbooks that whitewash wartime atrocities. jap leaders worship on the Yasukuni Shrine, which honors struggle criminals between Japan's struggle lifeless. kin among Japan and its friends stay tense.Examining the instances of South Korean relatives with Japan and of French family with Germany, Jennifer Lind demonstrates that denials of previous atrocities gas mistrust and inhibit foreign reconciliation. In Sorry States, she argues country's acknowledgment of prior misdeeds is key for selling belief and reconciliation after battle. even if, Lind demanding situations the normal knowledge through displaying that many nations were capable of reconcile with no a lot within the approach of apologies or reparations. Contrition might be hugely arguable and is probably going to reason a household backlash that alarms—rather than assuages—outside observers. Apologies and different such polarizing gestures are therefore not going to assuage family after clash, Lind unearths, and remembrance that's much less accusatory-conducted bilaterally or in multilateral settings-holds the main promise for foreign reconciliation.

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After dividing the post-World War II era into smaller time periods, I code remembrance and threat perception and compare their covariation over time to determine whether more apologetic remembrance corresponds with more benign perceptions of intentions and with lower levels of threat perception. One cannot draw conclusions from congruence procedure alone because, as noted, other factors influence threat perception. Understanding the relative influence of remembrance thus requires monitoring changes in alternate variables.

At the other extreme, high threat perception is evident in statements expressing the fear that the other country is an imminent threat. People worry that bilateral disputes will be resolved through force. State policy is adversarial: The state configures military forces against the other country; it finds allies to protect itself; through diplomacy it attempts to weaken and alienate the other country. In between these two extremes are countries with moderate threat perception; public and elite statements express uncertainty about whether or not the other state is a security threat; state policy reflects hedging, with perhaps some sensitivity to relative gains.

Many of the corporations which had relied on forced labor had retained unpaid wage deposits, but these never found their way to workers. In 1946 Tokyo paid out indemnities not to the workers but to the corporations who had brutalized them; thirty-five companies shared an indemnity of fifty-six million yen (about $560 million) for losses sustained during the war. 24 Former laborers who remained in Japan never received government compensation; beginning in the 1970s they initiated lawsuits, which led nowhere, to demand that they receive the same compensation as Japanese nationals.

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