By Prof. Campbell Craig
The authors of this e-book make the case that the atomic bomb was once major consider growing the chilly warfare. FDR and later Truman desired to use the atomic bomb as a diplomatic lever opposed to the Soviet Union. either one of those presidents could simply percentage the key of the bomb with the Soviets in the event that they complied with the yankee calls for on letting the japanese ecu international locations pursue their very own future. The Russians however desired to strengthen their very own bomb no longer simply because they notion it might be decisive yet since it used to be considered as propaganda instrument opposed to the Soviets which confirmed Western power. within the booklet the authors make the case that losing the 1st atmomic bomb on Hiroshima was once invaluable however the moment on Nagasaki was once now not and was once almost always an illustration to scare the Russians into accepting American calls for. The authors additionally acknowledged that the Baruch Plan was once used as propaganda ploy through either side with the americans in need of the Soviets to reject the plan whereas the Soviets used it to reveal American nuclear blackmail. additionally spying made the matter worse becuase it stiffened US unravel not to surrender nuclear secrets and techniques to a global physique for worry that the Soviets have been constructing their very own nuclear weapon. whilst the Soviets ultimately built their bomb, the hands race among the USA and the Soviet Union all started. the single weak point of the publication is that the authors have overlooked how Germany and the department of that nation was once most likely a better consider beginning the chilly conflict. additionally from studying the new paintings by means of Hasegawa it seems that the losing of the atomic bomb used to be probably not important in contrast to what the authors have acknowledged during this publication. however it is a attention-grabbing ebook approximately how the fingers race begun.
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Extra resources for The Atomic Bomb and the Origins of the Cold War
The meeting between Bohr and Churchill on May 16 epitomized the different worlds in which the scientist and the wartime statesman lived. Churchill not only refused to accept Bohr’s plan of disclosure to the Russians; he also rejected the more basic logic that an atomic arms race following the war represented a new and fundamental danger. Indeed, Churchill, like Roosevelt, was most concerned by the fact that Bohr had evidently been discussing the problem with colleagues in America and Europe and had made overtures to a colleague in the Soviet Union, thus violating the strict secrecy that was supposed to be governing the Tube Alloys program.
61 Roosevelt and Churchill avoided the topic of the atomic project during the formal deliberations at Quebec, perhaps worrying about the breach in security that Bohr’s campaign had revealed to them. After the conference ended Churchill followed Roosevelt to Hyde Park, where they formulated ofﬁcial—though secret—policy on international control of the atomic bomb. Their decision on this matter was unambiguous: “The suggestion that the world should be informed regarding tube alloys, with a view to an international agreement regarding its control and use, is not accepted.
To participate in such a new world order, the Soviet Union would have to relinquish its social and economic system and take on the system of the United States. Having fought a horrendous war against Germany in order to protect the Russian nation, the Soviet experiment, and his own dictatorial rule, Stalin was unlikely to agree to this. Could serious international collaboration, on matters as central as peace and war, work when one of the world’s greatest powers, the Soviet Union, remained outside of the new order?