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The most sensitive discussions were reserved for one-to-one sessions between Dulles and individual committee chairmen. O n several occasions during the 1950s members of Congress did propose structural reforms intended to strengthen legislative oversight. For three primary reasons these attempts made little headway. Most fundamentally, Dulles and others in the executive branch sincerely believed that the greater the involvement of Congress in the CIA's affairs, the greater the risk of a breach of security.

S. intelligence community. The last of these responsibilities caused problems from the start, and severely constrained Hillenkoetter's ability to produce the kind of national intelligence he preferred. " When Souers had instructed Houston to prepare enabling legislation for the CIG, he had assumed that the DCI would reign supreme over the intelligence community's other components and their heads. Houston, building on Donovan's model, proceeded accordingly. The National Security Act, however, did not incorporate Houston's prose.

In 1949 OPC's budget was $4-7 million; in 1952 the budget for clandestine projects and intelligence collection ballooned to $82 million, or an estimated 70-80 percent of the CIA's entire budget. In the same years between 1949 and 1952, the number of overseas stations grew from seven to forty-seven. OPC's personnel numbered only 302 in 1949; it skyrocketed from 584 to 1531 between fiscal years 1950 and 1951 alone. Initially the OPC concentrated largely on Western Europe. It intervened in elections in France as well as Italy, and established networks with labor unions and among Soviet and East European emigres in Germany and Vienna.

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