By Victor A. Utgoff, Larry D. Welch

How will endured proliferation of nuclear guns switch the worldwide political order? This choice of essays involves conclusions at odds with the normal knowledge. Stephen Rosen and Barry Posen discover how nuclear proliferation might impact US incentives to confront nearby aggression. Stephen Walt argues that neighborhood allies will most likely turn out prepared to face with a powerful and prepared usa opposed to nuclear-backed aggression. George Quester and Brad Roberts research long term strategic goals in responding to nuclear assault by means of a nearby aggressor. Richard Betts highlights the opportunity of disastrous blunders in relocating towards and dwelling in a global seriously populated with nuclear-armed states. Scott Sagan explains how the nuclear nonproliferation rules most suitable to a few states can spur proliferation by means of others. Caroline Ziemke indicates how the research of a state's strategic character promises insights into why it could possibly wish nuclear guns and the way its regulations may well boost as soon as it will get them. And, Victor Utgoff concludes that the us turns out likely to intrude opposed to nearby aggression while the aggressor has nuclear guns than while it doesn't.

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Extra resources for The Coming Crisis: Nuclear Proliferation, U.S. Interests, and World Order (BCSIA Studies in International Security)

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Raja Ramanna, Years of Pilgrimage: An Autobiography (New Delhi: Viking, 1991), p. 74. 27. See Kapur, India’s Nuclear Option, p. 195; Mitchell Reiss, Without the Bomb: The Politics of Nuclear Nonproliferation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), p. 221 and p. 325, n. 42; and Ramanna, Years of Pilgrimage, p. 75. 28. Ramanna, Years of Pilgrimage, p. 89. 29. See Perkovich, India’s Nuclear Bomb; and Ramanna, Years of Pilgrimage, p. 89. 30 This pattern suggests that security arguments were of secondary importance, and at a minimum, were not thoroughly analyzed or debated before the nuclear test.

2. 17. Thayer, “The Causes of Nuclear Proliferation,” p. 497; and May, “Nuclear Weapons Supply and Demand,” pp. 534–535. For analyses of the Argentine-Brazilian decision, see Monica Serrano, “Brazil and Argentina,” in Mitchell Reiss and Robert S. : Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1994), pp. 231–255; Jose Goldemberg and Harold A. Feiveson, “Denuclearization in Argentina and Brazil,” Arms Control Today, Vol. 24, No. 2 (March 1994), pp. 10–14; Reiss, Bridled Ambition, pp. 45–88; and John R. Redick, Julio C.

4 (Autumn 1990), pp. 479–526; and Richard Price, “A Genealogy of the Chemical Weapons Taboo,” International Organization, Vol. 49, No. 1 (Winter 1995), pp. 73–104. 51 The sociologists’ arguments highlight the possibility that nuclear weapons programs serve symbolic functions reºecting leaders’ perceptions of appropriate and modern behavior. The political science literature reminds us, however, that such symbols are often contested and that the resulting norms are spread by power and coercion, and not by the strength of ideas alone.

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