By Ussama Makdisi

Concentrating on Ottoman Lebanon, Ussama Makdisi exhibits how sectarianism used to be a manifestation of modernity that transcended the actual limitations of a specific state. His examine demanding situations those that have considered sectarian violence as an Islamic reaction to westernization or just as a made from social and monetary inequities between spiritual teams. The spiritual violence of the 19th century, which culminated in sectarian mobilizations and massacres in 1860, used to be a fancy, multilayered, subaltern expression of modernization, he says, no longer a primordial response to it. Makdisi argues that sectarianism represented a planned mobilization of spiritual identities for political and social reasons. The Ottoman reform circulate introduced in 1839 and the becoming eu presence within the heart East contributed to the disintegration of the normal Lebanese social order dependent on a hierarchy that bridged non secular adjustments. Makdisi highlights how eu colonialism and Orientalism, with their emphasis on Christian salvation and Islamic despotism, and Ottoman and native nationalisms every one created and used narratives of sectarianism as foils to their very own visions of modernity and to their very own tasks of colonial, imperial, and nationwide improvement. Makdisi's booklet is critical to our figuring out of Lebanese society this present day, however it additionally makes an important contribution to the dialogue of the significance of non secular discourse within the formation and dissolution of social and nationwide identities within the sleek international.

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Extra resources for The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon

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Between poets and writers such as Nerval, who exuded a supreme confidence in European hegemony, and missionaries such as Paul Riccadonna and Benoît Planchet, who strove to be the benevolent face of that hegemony, Mount Lebanon found itself the object of intense, sustained attention by a host of diverse suitors. Some were content to describe and celebrate the land as they saw it; others wanted to save and reform its inhabitants; most tried their hand at both. In any case, the cumulative presence on the land of so many Western writers, travelers, missionaries, painters, and poets heralded the dawn of a gentle crusade in Mount Lebanon.

Although belonging to a religious community was intertwined with a 36 / Knowledge and Ignorance number of secular identities (such as family, village, and rank), there was an undeniable respect for the sacred boundaries of faith. The public, political culture of Mount Lebanon functioned through an unspoken recognition of the temporality of loyalty: no Ottoman governor lived forever and no ruler could rely on the automatic allegiance of his subordinates but instead had to be constantly alert to shifting alliances.

To the north of Mount Lebanon was the vilayet of Tripoli; to its east was the important vilayet of Damascus; to the south was that of Sayda (Sidon), which was specifically established in 1660 to keep a firm grip on Mount Lebanon and the surrounding hinterlands. 8 Ultimate authority after 1660, however, always rested with the Ottoman governor of the vilayet of Sayda. 9 The southern part of Mount Lebanon was often referred to in local chronicles as Jabal alDuruz (Ott. Cebel-i Düruz or Dürzi Dag˘ı), or the Mountain of the Druze, or simply as Jabal al-Shuf.

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