By Darius Rejali

This can be the main entire, and such a lot comprehensively chilling, research of contemporary torture but written. Darius Rejali, one of many world's prime specialists on torture, takes the reader from the overdue 19th century to the aftermath of Abu Ghraib, from slavery and the electrical chair to electrotorture in American internal towns, and from French and British colonial felony cells and the Spanish-American warfare to the fields of Vietnam, the wars of the center East, and the recent democracies of Latin the US and Europe. As Rejali lines the improvement and alertness of 1 torture approach after one other in those settings, he reaches startling conclusions. because the 20th century improved, he argues, democracies not just tortured, yet set the overseas speed for torture. Dictatorships could have tortured extra, and extra indiscriminately, however the usa, Britain, and France pioneered and exported suggestions that experience develop into the lingua franca of recent torture: tools that go away no marks. below the watchful eyes of newshounds and human rights activists, low-level specialists within the world's oldest democracies have been the 1st to profit that to scar a sufferer was once to promote iniquity and invite scandal. lengthy ahead of the CIA even existed, police and infantrymen became as an alternative to "clean" suggestions, akin to torture by means of electrical energy, ice, water, noise, medications, and pressure positions. As democracy and human rights unfold after international warfare II, so too did those equipment. Rejali makes this troubling case in fluid, arresting prose and at the foundation of extraordinary research--conducted in a number of languages and on numerous continents--begun years sooner than so much folks had ever heard of Osama bin weighted down or Abu Ghraib. the writer of a tremendous learn of Iranian torture, Rejali additionally tackles the debatable query of no matter if torture relatively works, answering the hot apologists for torture aspect by means of element. A courageous and stressful publication, this can be the benchmark opposed to which all destiny experiences of contemporary torture can be measured.

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Additional resources for Torture and Democracy

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As I wrote each chapter, I came to understand that how we remember torture is as much a part of the story I am telling as the actual mapping of the torture techniques themselves. Too often the problems that arose in the mapping arose not from what was done, but from what was subsequently said about what was done. Some of us, more than others, are in a position to confront the practice of torture today, but, as I argue in chapter 24, all of us have the responsibility to attend to what we say about torture and to appreciate how important it is to take proper care of our memories.

So why would they care whether torture leaves marks or not? There are two related puzzles here. First, why did authoritarian states in the early twentieth century not use clean techniques, and what explains the few exceptions when they did? And why did authoritarian states in the late twentieth century adopt torture techniques that left few marks? Again, in these cases, I argue that the presence or absence of monitoring made a critical difference. On my account, it is hardly surprising that authoritarian states did not bother with clean tortures in the early twentieth century.

17 It is unlikely this officer had any direct connection to Amnesty. It’s possible he knew his immediate superior didn’t want a mess, or that he had a circular directly from Mobutu’s office on the subject or he was in touch with the local CIA adviser who told him to cool it. The truth is we are unlikely ever to know. All we can say for certain is that he cared about international monitoring. It’s possible other people around him did too, but who more so than others is anyone’s guess. But there is reason to believe that the United States did not distribute clean techniques to its allies worldwide in the 1970s as a matter of policy.

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