By Ali Kemal Özcan

The Kurdish laborers social gathering (PKK) is tested right here during this textual content on Kurdish nationalism. Incorporating contemporary field-based learn effects and newly translated fabric on Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK's long-time chief; it explores the character and the organizational operating of the social gathering, from its development within the overdue Nineteen Seventies to its fresh shrinkage. quite a few concerns are addressed including:

* the perspectives and philosophy of Abdullah Ocalan
* the successes and screw ups of the PKK in bringing in regards to the Kurdish competition in Turkey
* the function of PKK's philosophy of recruitment, organizational diligence, use of hands and different contextual components in Kurdish resistance
* elements focused on the advance of the nationalism of the Kurds in Turkey.

The textual content additionally reappraises the Kurdish stream in Turkey and offers insights into the character of Kurdish social constitution, pondering, and the particularities of the Kurdish ethnic distinctness.

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Extra resources for Turkey's Kurds: A Theoretical Analysis of the PKK and Abdullah Ocalan (Routledge Advances in Middle East and Islamic Studies)

Sample text

What then should I refer to by the term ‘nation’ in order not to, at least, contribute to its ‘elusiveness’? The versions of political definitions of ‘nation’ are more clear and unbiased, and consequently more viable for discursive deductions. The use of the term ‘nation’ in this book’s discussions shall mean ‘an institutionalized political, economical and legislativejurisdictional unit of community that is realized in the form of what is called a “nationstate”, independent of a pre-existing homogeneous ethnic and/or cultural entity’.

First, as a crucial point, Smith takes nationalism not as ideology but as ‘ideological movement’ in which ideology is only one of the components—the component which Seton-Watson rightly recognizes as the ‘form’ of the constant ‘core of nationalism’: Nationalist movements have usually been strongly influenced by whatever political ideas were current at the time of their struggle… But always the hard core of nationalism has been more important than its ideological form. (Seton-Watson 1965:15) At first glance, Smith is not in agreement with Gellner’s conception of the nation as ‘invented’ by nationalism or with Hobsbawm’s nation as ‘made’ by nationalism—but he is nonetheless fairly consistent with them by grasping nationalism as an ideological movement ‘for attaining and maintaining a potential or existent nation.

In Nairn’s understanding, one is the ‘main, essentially healthy sort we applaud in Indo-China and Mozambique’ and the other is ‘the derivative, degenerate sort we oppose in, for example, the American working class, Gaullism, the Chilean Junta and so on’ (emphases added). For him, the ‘main’ kind is progressive as it is the ‘mainspring of nationalism’ by which the periphery targets the centre’s ‘foreign’ or colonialist rule. So the ‘derivative’ kind is a regressive, ‘abusive’ version of the former, tending ‘towards the encouragement of social and psychological atavism, the exploitation of senseless fears and prejudices, and so toward violence’ (Nairn 1981:347).

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