By A. Thomson

This publication charts the evolution people overseas coverage in the direction of South Africa, starting in 1948 whilst the architects of apartheid, the Nationalist get together, got here to strength. Thomson highlights 3 units of conflicting Western pursuits: strategic, financial and human rights.

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37 In practical terms, this meant implementing an arms embargo immediately and unilaterally against Pretoria, in advance of a Security Council resolution, with the Kennedy administration 38 U . S . P O L I C Y T O WA R D S A P A R T H E I D S O U T H A F R I C A portraying itself as leading the free world on the issue of apartheid. S. officials made it known that they would oppose any similar moves against Lisbon. S. 38 The Security Council did not attempt to impose similar measures against Portugal.

The language now directed at Pretoria was of an order that had previously only been used in private. In terms of the annual resolution on the “racial situation in South Africa,” for instance, in 1955, the United States continued its protection of South Africa, and voted against voicing “concern” over apartheid. 78 By 1958, the transition was complete. The United States, for the fi rst time, voted in favor of a resolution confronting Pretoria. S. delegate George McGregor let it be know that, although the United States did not “condemn” South Africa for its racial policies, apartheid did cause the American 28 U .

The harsher public rhetoric fi rst employed by the Eisenhower administration in the wake of the Sharpeville shootings now became standard fare. S. N. 14 South Africa, at least verbally, had now become fair game. The Republic’s government compounded its vulnerability by not recognizing the United Nations’ interest in the governance of South West Africa. S. N. resolutions. A transition of rhetoric, put in motion by the Eisenhower administration was completed under the Kennedy administration. 16 Washington DC had consciously made its public stance clear.

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