By Humanities Korea Professor Sung Chull Kim, Professor David C Kang

Examines how and why countries have persuaded North Korea to cooperate on issues similar to nuclear coverage.

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Donga Ilbo, August 15, 2007. 34. Theodore Caplow, Two against One: Coalitions in Triads (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968). 35. 5 percent of South Korean respondents do not feel threatened by North Korea’s 2005 declaration of possession of nuclear weapons. 3 percent of the total respondents. Park Jong-chul and four others, 2005 nyo˘ndo tong’il munje kungmin yo˘ron chosa (Survey Analysis of Unification Issues, 2005) (Seoul: Korea Institute for National Unification, 2005), 151–52. 36. Of many, see Sigal, “North Korea Is No Iraq”; Condoleezza Rice, “Promoting the National Interest,” Foreign Affairs 79, no.

S. ” WAITING TO REAP THE FINAL HARVEST 29 For the United States, policy coordination with South Korea on the North Korea issue has never been an easy business. S. S. confrontation over the nuclear issue, not eliminating proliferation threats. Seoul also aims to induce behavioral and identity changes in North Korea through the enticement of national reconciliation and interdependence. With the Sunshine policy under the Kim Dae Jung administration and the succeeding Policy of Peace and Prosperity under the Roh Moo Hyun administration, South Korea has deprived the Bush administration of much of its autonomy to impose its preferred end game of engagement.

S. S. secretary of state. 14 There are three main reasons for Seoul’s defensive and conditional attitude toward the North’s nuclear programs. First, there is a collective perception among South Koreans that the North’s nuclear capability could be some sort of asset for a united Korea in the future. During the first North WAITING TO REAP THE FINAL HARVEST 31 Korean nuclear crisis, the conservative and anticommunist Kim Young Sam administration displayed a permissive attitude toward North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear programs.

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