By Barry Rubin (eds.)
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Extra info for Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict, and Crisis
Lebanon’s only hope is international justice. When dealing with political murder the only conflict resolution is judicial resolution. In this crisis, the engagement ideas of Barack Obama, Nicolas Sarkozy, and Turkish and Israeli politicians just give oxygen to absolutists and murder suspects. C ONCLUSION Lebanese communal identities are products of historical circumstances and accidents. In theory, they can be downscaled in favor of representative constructs that are simpler, more unifying, and less riddled with patron/client dependencies than confessional democracy.
Hitti, Lebanon in History, p. 6. 7. Edmond Rabath. La formation historique du liban (Beirut: Impr. Catholique, 1986), p. 183. 8. Hitti, Lebanon in History, p. 376. 9. Salibi, The Modern History of Lebanon, p. 121. 10. , p. 122. 11. , pp. 122–124. 12. , p. xxi. 13. Ibid. 14. Leila Fawaz Tarazi, An Occasion for War (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1994), p. 15. 15. Will Harris, “Pluralistic Politics,” unpublished paper, 2007. 16. Asher Kauffman, Phoenicianism (London: I. B. Tauris, 2004), p.
Thus the independence party won the day; their ideas triumphed, and Grand Liban was officially recognized by the French mandatory force on September 1, 1920. A new constitution replaced the old order. Lebanon’s independence was seen as a major challenge to the pan-Arabist ideologues and the Arab public. It was also seen as cultural defiance since Lebanon itself embodied all of what pan-Arabism resented: Western involvement and influence in the Arab world both culturally and politically. PanArabism was a form of a cultural nationalism, likened to a desperate yell in the face of the colonialist and superior attitude or action initiated by the WH AT M A K ES L EBA NON A DIST I NC T I V E C OU N T RY ?