By Philippe Meirieu
From Google Translate:
What continues to be of the college clash and the previous divide among "teachers" and "Republicans"? ranging from very divergent ideals and Philippe Denis Kambouchner Meirieu are this day, with Bernard Stiegler, the discovering that the phrases during which landed this quarrel grew to become much less acute within the context of the broader mutation attributable to new applied sciences. those new applied sciences create the stipulations for an unforeseen democratization of entry to wisdom; yet whilst, mixed with rampant consumerism and intrusive advertising, they seem as vectors of an more and more refined process for taking pictures spirits. the sort of improvement undermines the basic stability of faculty schooling. specifically, the college isn't really built to imagine this mutation neither to deal with its most annoying results or to make sure the regulate and the potent use of potentials linked to it. there's urgency. greater than ever the spirits desire a sturdy formation of judgment, equipment and benchmarks that simply the college may well, on the scale of an organization, educate. in the course of their dialog the 3 events totally agree at the significance of reaffirming a excessive ambition for the school.
Que reste-t-il de l. a. querelle scolaire et du vieux clivage entre « pédagogues » et « républicains » ? Partis de convictions très divergentes, Denis Kambouchner et Philippe Meirieu font aujourd'hui, avec Bernard Stiegler, le constat que les termes dans lesquels se posa cette querelle ont perdu de leur acuité dans le contexte de los angeles vaste mutation engendrée par les nouvelles applied sciences. Ces nouvelles applied sciences créent les stipulations d'une démocratisation inespérée de l'accès au savoir ; mais en même temps, associées à un consumérisme effréné et à un advertising intrusif, elles apparaissent comme les vecteurs d'un système toujours plus perfectionné de captation des esprits. Une telle évolution met à mal les équilibres fondamentaux de l'éducation scolaire. Surtout, l'école n'est pas armée pour penser cette mutation : ni pour remédier à ses effets les plus perturbants, ni pour s'assurer los angeles maîtrise et l'usage effectif des potentialités qui lui sont liées. Il y a urgence. Plus que jamais les esprits ont besoin d’une solide formation du jugement, de méthodes et de repères que seule l’école peut, à l’échelle d’une société, enseigner. Au fil de leur dialog, les trois interlocuteurs s’entendent pleinement sur l’importance de réaffirmer une haute ambition pour l’école.
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Additional info for L'école, le numérique et la société qui vient
His menacing speeches to the legislative councils provoked the very use of outright military force that it was hoped to avoid: deputies were obliged to ﬂee after they had verbally and physically assaulted the general in an eﬀort to secure his arrest. The use of bayonets, which Mirabeau had vowed to resist in , proved decisive a decade later, though the coup remained bloodless. A rump of deputies was subsequently reassembled to register the edicts which replaced a defunct Directory with a Provisional Consulate and nominated two legislative commissions from the suspended councils to draw up a fresh constitution.
The Austrians were soon joined by the Prussians, and the allied enemies made early successes against a French army weakened by the emigration of most of the oﬃcer corps. Military conﬂict introduced a fatal dialectic into the Revolution, encouraging radicalism as a means of self-defence and turning dissenters into traitors, who deserved short shrift; the king himself would be an early victim of this increasingly intimidating atmosphere. A democratic republic, 1792–1794? By the summer of France was being invaded and Paris itself, a mere kilometres from the north-eastern border, was cruelly exposed.
Napoleon I, as he became known after his coronation, had promised to end the Revolution and he succeeded in this regard for longer than any of the preceding regimes. One obvious explanation resides in his monopoly of military force, as commander of the armies during a period of persistent warfare and much attendant gloire. Yet to label his regime a military dictatorship begs many questions, not least because the imperial government was administered by civilians and much of the revolutionary heritage was maintained.