By Toni Alaranta

National and kingdom id in Turkey makes use of the innovations of nationwide and kingdom id to check Turkey’s household and overseas politics and clarify how the country’s place within the overseas process has replaced during the last ten years. kingdom id is known because the outcome of a reworked nationwide identification, linking either household and overseas degrees.

Toni Alaranta argues that there was an intensive reformulation of Turkey’s nationwide id, curiosity, and positioning on the planet because the Justice and improvement social gathering (AKP) got here to energy in 2002. This remodeled id has helped the rustic renegotiate its prestige on this planet. He first examines the altering nature of Turkey’s nationwide identification earlier than the fight among severe positions—secularism and Islamism. He then explains how the “New Turkey” discourse is a part of an Islamic-conservative ideology that goals the thought of the “domestic other,” or minorities, as opposed to the Turkish-Muslim “self.” This discourse is remodeling not just the suggestion of nationwide identification but additionally Turkey’s family members with the remainder of the area, and especially with the eu Union.

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Cem 2000, 5) At first sight those familiar with the AKP’s foreign policy thinking might be induced to think that İsmail Cem and the current AKP leadership hold similar views. However, the chapters that follow will demonstrate that in fact the differences between İsmail Cem and the leading figures of the incumbent AKP are crucial. ” Nothing could be more different from the worldview of AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who has recurrently blamed the Kemalist state elite in Turkey for repressing and harassing pious Muslims (AKP 2014b).

It is exactly because of the differences at the unit level that the states embedded in the (anarchical) international state system conceive of each other as threats. All of this is ultimately reducible to the mode of political legitimation within the modern nation-state. Once we agree that in the current international state system a particular state allegedly represents the interests of a particular community understood as a nation, then its interests are seen as more or less dissimilar to those of other states representing other nations.

What is at least as noteworthy, one gets the impression that Cem saw Turkey as a global power of the twenty-first century, and that he can be considered one of the original founders of the “Turkish model” concept—an idea that Turkey could function as a model for the rest of the Middle East (Cem 2000, 33). Thus, we can see that by the latter half of the 38 Chapter 2 1990s, Turkish foreign policy elite had come up with an idea that, in addition to the international system having witnessed a significant qualitative change with the end of the Cold War, the “traditional” Turkish foreign policy doctrine, and its self-concept as a member of a community of Western nations clearly distinct from Eastern/Islamic nations, had become dysfunctional in the new international environment.

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