By Melanie Baak
Belonging is a controversy that is affecting us all, yet if you happen to were displaced, unsettled or made 'homeless' via the elevated activities linked to the modern globalising period, belonging is lower than consistent problem. Migration throws into query not just the property of these who bodily migrate, but additionally, fairly in a postcolonial context, the property of these who're indigenous to and 'settlers' in international locations of migration, next generations born to migrants, and those that are left in the back of in international locations of foundation. Negotiating Belongings utilises narrative, ethnographic and autoethnographic techniques to discover the negotiations for belonging for 6 ladies from Dinka groups originating in southern Sudan. It explores belonging, quite in terms of migration, via a attention of belonging to geographical regions, ethnic teams, neighborhood, relations and relations. In exploring how the trips in the direction of wanted assets are haunted by way of a variety of social procedures comparable to colonisation, strength, 'race' and gender, the writer argues that negotiating belonging is a continuing move among being and changing into. The examine utilises and calls for alternative ways of hearing and very listening to the narratives of the ladies as embedded inside non-Western epistemologies and ontologies. via this it develops an figuring out of the relational ontology, cieng, that governs the ways that the ladies exist on the planet. The women's narratives along the author's adventure in the Dinka neighborhood supply specific how one can interrogate the intersections of being and turning into at the haunted trip to belonging. The relational ontology of cieng presents an extra manner of realizing belonging, turning into and being as constantly relational.
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Additional resources for Negotiating Belongings: Stories of Forced Migration of Dinka Women from South Sudan
15 This particular moment, as with most of the autoethnographic reflections detailed in the interludes in the book, provided moments that Barthes (1981) might describe as ‘punctum’ (p. 27). This multilayered encounter provided a moment in which identity, ‘race’, ghosts, journeys and belonging collided in one punctumous moment. 16 For a majority of the research period I lived in Port Pirie, a regional town of South Australia approximately 240 kilometres north of South Australia’s capital city of Adelaide.
Finding that 90 per cent of their cohort stated ‘that their current lifestyle was in accordance with the traditional concepts of cieng and adheng’ (p. 74), they argued that this, in part, described the remarkable resilience to adversity and trauma that many of the children seemed to have. This understanding of cieng as a mental health concept is very limiting and certainly does not encapsulate how I have come to understand cieng through my involvement with the Jëëng community. While living in cieng may be one aspect which contributes to Jëëng perceptions of well-being, this is by no means the only 19 Chapter 1 way of understanding cieng, nor is cieng the only marker of mental health for Jëëng.
Chapter 5 considers how ‘local’ regionally based communities in South Sudan continue to haunt the women’s lives on a global scale. It considers how these ‘glocal’ sites become increasingly significant as a result of migration and then explores the politics and contestations of belonging within that site across a range of locations. Chapter 5 explores how the ‘local’ region of Mading Aweil continues to haunt the women’s belongings through their global migrations. The chapter centres around the narratives of three of the women which describe not only how these glocal communities were produced through ‘global’ migrations but also how belongings within these communities are politicised through the hauntings of family histories, fear and jealousy.