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Extra info for Rural Women in Urban China: Gender, Migration, And Social Change (East Gate Books)

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For others, concern about the defects in the Chinese national character led to an emphasis on the cultivation of “civilization” (wenming) and etiquette. In 1924 Sun Yatsen, in his last lectures on the Three Principles of the People, poured scorn on the manners of his audience and urged an improvement in public etiquette. Ten years later, Chiang Kaishek launched the New Life movement, central to which was the promulgation of ninety-six rules governing public conduct and hygiene, including “Be clean,” “Do not spit in the streets,” and “Button your suit properly” (Fitzgerald 1996, 104-5; Bianco 1971, 127–28).

A few were introduced to me by Zhou Ling, whom I had met in 1999. A long-time member of the club, Zhou Ling had worked in the Club’s office for a time and was much loved by other members. She became one of my key interlocutors. As with the women in Haidian, during my first formal interviews with members of the Migrant Women’s Club I usually explained that I did not have a fixed set of questions and that what I most wanted was to hear their life story, and in particular, their experiences of migration to Beijing and life in the city.

In addition, an analysis of life stories can illuminate people’s responses to contradictions that emerge between different discourses or between expectations and experience (Skultans 1998, 27), or to instances when individuals’ personal sense of identity are no longer recognized in a new social and discursive environment. They can cast light on the strategies that people employ in coming to terms with these contradictions and disjunctures, including the adoption of particular evaluative and explanatory systems, various forms of resistance to dominant discourses, and different attempts to recast personal identities.

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