By Seyom Brown

Within the final decade of the 20 th century threats and purposes of strength usually took centre level. this article continues that using strength as an tool of overseas coverage is probably going to develop, and that this prospect warrants problem and open debate.

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35 Reflecting the growing public acceptance of resorting to force, a nationwide poll of potential voters commissioned by the Clinton White House at the end of September 1999 found that when asked to choose among means of countering terrorist threats or attacks, a substantial plurality (50 percent) favored military responses (air strikes or ground troops) over diplomatic pressure or economic sanctions. ”36 35. John E. S. Foreign Policy 1999 (Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, 1999). The relevant earlier surveys were conducted by the Chicago Council in 1994, 1990, 1986, and 1982.

3 Each of these shifts—painted in thick brush strokes to emphasize the force-diplomacy relationship—has reflected the nation’s experience of war. The first, a response to how totally destructive war had become, especially with the advent of nuclear weapons, held that military force could no longer be regarded as an integral part of diplomacy. War and diplomacy were two very different ways of dealing with international conflict, and going to war could be justified only as a last resort—an indication of the failure of diplomacy.

Fear of a Balkan Quagmire The Vietnam syndrome was also still alive with respect to the wars of selfdetermination breaking out in the early 1990s in the Balkans. S. response to the Serbian ethnic cleansing campaign against the Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Speaking at the end of August 1992, acting secretary of state Lawrence Eagleburger explained that the Bosnian conflict was essentially a “civil war,” an interethnic conflict in a country that is “massively mixed up . . ” The United States “will use all necessary force to get humanitarian supplies in to these people,” Eagleburger told the media.

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