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279–80. Report on the Sanitary State of the Army in India, p. 39. There were in 1855 less than 14 miles of sewerage for 442,031 people in Bombay, inclusive of the well-supplied Fort. London, on the other hand, boasted 700 miles for 1,873,000 people. H. Coneybeare, Report on the Sanitary State and Requirements of Bombay, Selections from the records of the Bombay Government, new series, vol. XI (Bombay, 1855), pp. 16–17, 21, 27. Sewers 37 away. In order to achieve this, houses were built slightly apart leaving a gully running between them.

The communists now responded to the first signs of their decline in the city in the 1950s, by perceiving the shape of a populist cause that might enable them to regain their position of dominance. They jumped aboard the Samyukta Maharashtra movement and hoped thereby to revive and 26 History, culture and the Indian city extend their political appeal. However, the argument that working-class culture was essentially Maharashtrian and that the workers’ Bombay could only be safeguarded if it was integrated into the new state, served to reduce to a linguistic and communal base what had been a wider and culturally heterogeneous class movement.

At times of scarcity, for instance in 1854, water had to be brought to Bombay by rail and country boats. By the late 1850s, a project to draw water supplies from the Vehar nala had been effected. But the influx of migrants to the island in the 1860s made an increased supply imperative. 5 million gallons per day. In 1884, the Bhandarwada reservoir, to accept water from both the Tulsi and Vehar lakes, was completed. But with the expansion of the textile industry in the 1880s, the supplies of the Tausa lake had also to be harnessed.

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