Download International Order at Sea: How it is challenged. How it is by Jo Inge Bekkevold, Geoffrey Till PDF
By Jo Inge Bekkevold, Geoffrey Till
This publication examines how foreign order at sea is challenged, replaced and maintained. The publication surveys demanding situations to the overseas order at sea within the Asia-Pacific, the Indian Ocean sector, the Atlantic Ocean and the Arctic Ocean. It explores the interplay among and cooperation between best, rising and smaller naval powers, either naval and coastguard responses, required for the upkeep of excellent order at sea. Six large and interlinked concerns are pointed out that might impact the long run foreign order at sea: the stability among the maritime and the continental domain names; the stability among nice energy competition and cooperation; the competition among entry and denial; the operational stability among getting ready; construction and coaching for warfighting rather than operations except battle; the best way to deal with ‘disorder’ safeguard demanding situations that fairly often transcends territorial waters and nationwide barriers, and eventually, the stability among safeguarding nationwide pursuits and contributing to collective efforts holding the overseas order at sea.
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Extra resources for International Order at Sea: How it is challenged. How it is maintained.
Sample text
S. and Foreign-flag Operating Costs, September. Washington, DC. -China relations and the balance of power in East Asia will be a major factor shaping international politics in the twenty-first century. In contrast to great power competition and hegemonic wars on the European continent in past centuries, the contest for regional hegemony in East Asia in the twenty-first century will be determined at sea. China is a land power that dominates the East Asian mainland and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has never been more secure from external threats than today.
The United States and other major industrialized countries should actively support this development. Even though the United States might be perceived as sacrificing some sovereignty through reconsidering its 1986 withdrawal from the mandatory jurisdiction of the court after and adverse decision in the Nicaragua Mining Case (Meyer 2003), the costs of supporting international courts could be far less than those of not doing so, given the plethora of dangerous ocean disputes in which it could easily become involved.
Because of the narrowly drawn definition of piracy, the world’s navies— especially those that are participating in the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) or in other counter-piracy operations—derive most of their enforcement powers on the high seas from either bilateral agreements or the right of visit codified in Article 110 of the UNCLOS Convention. The right of visit allows warships from third-party states to approach and conduct an involuntary boarding of vessels that are suspected of piracy, unauthorized broadcasting, or slave trade.