By William Lind

Maneuver struggle, frequently arguable and requiring operational and tactical innovation, poses might be crucial doctrinal questions presently dealing with the traditional army forces of the U.S. Its function is to defeat the enemy by way of disrupting the opponent’s skill to react, instead of through actual destruction of forces.

This booklet develops and explains the idea of maneuver battle and provides particular tactical, operational, and organizational concepts for making improvements to flooring strive against forces.

The authors translate concepts—too usually vaguely said via manuever struggle advocates—into concrete doctrine.

Although the ebook makes use of the Marine Corps as a version, the recommendations, strategies, and doctrine mentioned practice to any floor wrestle strength.

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As I wrote each chapter, I came to understand that how we remember torture is as much a part of the story I am telling as the actual mapping of the torture techniques themselves. Too often the problems that arose in the mapping arose not from what was done, but from what was subsequently said about what was done. Some of us, more than others, are in a position to confront the practice of torture today, but, as I argue in chapter 24, all of us have the responsibility to attend to what we say about torture and to appreciate how important it is to take proper care of our memories.

So why would they care whether torture leaves marks or not? There are two related puzzles here. First, why did authoritarian states in the early twentieth century not use clean techniques, and what explains the few exceptions when they did? And why did authoritarian states in the late twentieth century adopt torture techniques that left few marks? Again, in these cases, I argue that the presence or absence of monitoring made a critical difference. On my account, it is hardly surprising that authoritarian states did not bother with clean tortures in the early twentieth century.

17 It is unlikely this officer had any direct connection to Amnesty. It’s possible he knew his immediate superior didn’t want a mess, or that he had a circular directly from Mobutu’s office on the subject or he was in touch with the local CIA adviser who told him to cool it. The truth is we are unlikely ever to know. All we can say for certain is that he cared about international monitoring. It’s possible other people around him did too, but who more so than others is anyone’s guess. But there is reason to believe that the United States did not distribute clean techniques to its allies worldwide in the 1970s as a matter of policy.

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