By Mark Hewitson
This unique research examines the interrelationship among the development of nationwide id and the transformation of political inspiration in Germany sooner than the 1st international struggle. by means of studying Wilhelmine depictions of the French 3rd Republic, Dr Hewitson revises accredited interpretations of German politics and nationalism.
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Extra info for National Identity and Political Thought in Germany: Wilhelmine Depictions of the French Third Republic, 1890-1914 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
37 French democracy refused to compromise the political state by sanctioning the principle of constitutional safeguards and legal continuity, above and beyond the existing regime.
Gesellscliaftliche Einfliisse auf Tinmen- und Methodemvahl des Verems fiir Sozialpolitik (Konigstein, 1980), 118, 190; H. Winkel, Die deutsche Nationaliikonomie im KJ. Jahrhundert (Darmstadt, 1977). 19 I. Gilcher-Holtey, Das Mandat des Intellektitellen. Karl Kautsky und die Sozialdemokratie (Berlin, 1986), 88. 36 German Rechtsstaat and the French State circumspect and well-known treatises on government appeared on both left and right, from Friedrich Naumann's Demokratie und Kaisertum in 1900, which had sold 25,000 copies by 1905,20 to Heinrich ClaB's Wenn ich der Kaiser war in 1912, which had exceeded 20,000 by August igi4-21 By the igoos, as important technical failings of government were exposed, especially in the conduct of foreign policy, German parties were ready to air their grievances in public and treat issues such as the constitution, military affairs and diplomacy, which had enjoyed considerable protection from party interference after 1871, like any other political question.
18 Germany and the French Nation course, victorious everywhere. But it is present and effective over the long run. 52 Since there was virtual consensus in the Reich over the necessity of the Nationalstaat,3* many authors, including conservatives, continued to depict the events of 1789 as an inevitable and beneficial conclusion to the corrupt court politics of the eighteenth century. Thus, for instance, a popular right-wing publicist like Oskar Schmitz agreed with a monarchist academic such as Hans Delbriick: One can think what one likes of the enormities of 1789, it must be conceded however that absolutism was a spent force at the end of the eighteenth century.