By Nicholas Owen
From the formation of the Indian nationwide Congress in 1885 to the successful of independence in 1947, this e-book lines the advanced and infrequently dating among anti-imperialist campaigners in Britain and in India. Nicholas Owen lines the efforts of British Radicals and socialists to spot kinds of anti-imperialism in India which outfitted conveniently with their latest ideals and their experience of the way real revolutionary activities have been presupposed to paintings. at the different facet of the connection, he charts the trajectory of the Indian nationwide Congress, because it shifted from appeals couched in language popular to British progressives to the fewer regular vocabulary and strategies of Mahatma Gandhi. the recent Gandhian tools of self-reliance had unwelcome implications for the paintings that the British supporters of Congress had commonly undertaken, resulting in the cave in in their major association and the precipitation of anti-imperialist paintings into the turbulent cross-currents of left-wing British politics. Metropolitan anti-imperialism turned mostly a functionality of alternative commitments, no matter if communist, theosophical, pacifist, socialist or anti-fascist. Revealing the strengths and weaknesses of those connections, The British Left and India seems to be on the final failure to create the sturdy alliance among anti-imperialists which the British Empire's governors had continually feared.Drawing on a variety of newly on hand archival fabric in Britain and India, together with the files of campaigning agencies, political events, the British govt and the imperial safety companies, this ebook is a strong account of the varied and fragmented global of British metropolitan anti-imperialism.
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Extra info for The British Left and India: Metropolitan Anti-Imperialism, 1885-1947 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
E. in Britain] the interests of the Indian National Congress’ and that its funding was to be determined and provided by Congress in India. The 1908 constitution treats the British Committee as one of the ‘component parts of the Congress organisation’. Report of the Fifteenth Indian National Congress Held at Lucknow, on the 27th, 28th, 29th and 30th December, 1899 (Bombay, 1890), xxviii–xxxi; Report of the Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Indian National Congress Held at Madras on the 28th, 29th and 30th December 1908 (Bombay, 1909), appendix B, xix–xxx.
Ghose to Gopi Nath Gurtu, 9 Jan 1890, L/PS/8/3, OIOC. ³⁵ Ghose to Gopi Nath Gurtu, 21 Feb 1890, intercepted and copied, L/PS/8/3, OIOC. See also Ghose to illegible, 7 Jan 1890 and Ghose to Gopi Nath Gurtu, 4 Feb 1890, L/PS/8/3, OIOC. ³⁷ Worse still, the Maharaja soon got cold feet about the whole idea of a campaign in Parliament, telling the Resident that he resented Bradlaugh’s ‘interference in Kashmir affairs without . . any authority or suggestion from himself ’. ³⁹ But he was shown the secret papers in advance and they made a generally convincing and sorry tale, denting his case badly.
The Liberal Secretary of State John Morley repeatedly asserted the subordinate status of the Government of India, and in a series of battles with Minto, extended the dominance of the India Ofﬁce into administration as well as policy. ³ In matters of immediate importance, however, the Secretary of State’s powers were more theoretical than real. Parliament still reserved considerable powers under the 1858 Act, should it choose to use them, but there was much deference to the man on the spot. When, in May 1907, the Government of India sent a telegram demanding ordinance powers, for example, Morley’s protests were relentlessly overborne.