By Raja Rao
The Cat and Shakespeare is a gradual, nearly teasing fantasy of 2 pals — Govindan Nair, an astute, down-to-earth thinker and clerk, who tackles the issues of regimen residing with remarkable logic and gusto, and whose fresh and unorthodox conclusions always panic Ramakrishna Pai, Nair’s buddy, neighbour and narrator of the tale. This evocative novel brings alive the uncooked texture of Indian lifestyles, and delights in its humour.
The Cat and Shakespeare RAJA RAO (1909–2006), a path-breaker of Indian writing in English, used to be born in Hassan, Mysore. After he graduated from Madras college, he went directly to the collage of Montpellier in France on a scholarship. He moved to the U.S. in 1966, the place he taught on the collage of Texas at Austin till 1983, while he retired as emeritus professor.A robust and profound author, and an excellent stylist, Rao effectively and imaginatively appropriated English for the Indian narrative. He was once honoured with India’s second-highest civilian award, the Padma Vibhushan, in 2007, the Sahitya Akademi Award in 1964, and the Neustadt foreign Prize for Literature in 1988.*R. PARTHASARATHY is a poet and translator. the writer of the lengthy poem ‘Rough Passage’, he edited the influential anthology Ten Twentieth-Century Indian Poets. His translation of the fifth-century Tamil epic, the Cilappatikāram, used to be offered the 1995 Sahitya Akademi Award. he's a professor emeritus of English and Asian reviews at Skidmore collage in Saratoga Springs, long island. He was once Raja Rao’s editor from 1974 to 1998
R. PARTHASARATHY is a poet and translator. the writer of the lengthy poem ‘Rough Passage’, he edited the influential anthology Ten Twentieth-Century Indian Poets. His translation of the fifth-century Tamil epic, the Cilappatikāram, used to be offered the 1995 Sahitya Akademi Award. he's a professor emeritus of English and Asian reports at Skidmore university in Saratoga Springs, long island. He used to be Raja Rao’s editor from 1974 to 1998
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In summary they are, it appears, that Muslims get no fair deal under Hindus, that the Congress party is communal rather than nationalist, and that the Muslims are not a minority but a separate community. Such credos are the buttresses of the accepted Tory view in England that the British raj must continue to hold on in India if only to keep the peace. Also I have had a talk with Sir John Russell, director of the Roth Amsted Experimental Station near London and author of a report prepared in 1937 on the work of the Imperial Council of Agricultural Research in applying science to crop production in India.
Nor is it wise to make guesses from this scanty evidence regarding the ultimate nature of the proposed national plan. But the questions do suggest that the committee leaders are thinking along rather definite lines. They presumably conceive of the plan as an imposed program covering both the provinces and the native states. ” One large share of questions can be classified as essentially factsearching. These include inquiries into production in agriculture, forests and mines, cottage and large-scale industries, and services.
The Government of India Act of 1935 confers on India a measure of parliamentary democracy, a territorial selfgovernment built on Western models. To the Muslim League this is a disaster. Such a system in India, it believes, does not establish a government of the people, but creates a tyranny of numbers imposed by one nation on another. The League fears the Hindus are proceeding to take revenge for the thousand years they have been a subject people under Musalmans and British. The federal scheme envisioned by the 1935 Act includes so-called autonomous provincial governments—with strictly limited powers— and a central government in which the provinces and the Indian states will be represented.